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Drug war key issue in Mexico's Presidental election

  1. beentheredonethatagain
    Mexico to elect a new president in one month


    As Mexicans prepare to choose a new president one month from today, the election has turned into a referendum of sorts on President Felipe Calderon's war on the drug cartels, an effort that some Mexicans applaud as long overdue and others blame for escalating violence in the country.

    The primary question for the three leading candidates seeking to succeed Calderon is whether they would continue to use the military to confront the cartels, as Calderon has since he launched a U.S.-backed crackdown on the drug-trafficking networks in 2006, or pursue a different strategy, experts say.
    The candidates have yet to offer concrete proposals about how they would reduce cartel-related violence, which has resulted in the deaths of more than 50,000 people and emerged as the issue of overwhelming concern for Mexicans living on both sides of the border.

    "Public safety is the big issue. It's what everyone is talking about," said Jaime Aguila, a history professor at Arizona State University who studies Mexican politics. "But while the candidates promise they will improve public safety, they are vague on the details."
    Many in the United States -- particularly in border states such as Arizona -- are paying close attention to the race because the outcome could affect relations between the countries.

    Besides sharing a 2,000-mile border, Mexico and the United States are also intertwined economically and socially. Mexico is the second-largest market for U.S. exports and the third-largest source of imports. What's more, nearly 12 million Mexicans live in the United States, and the U.S. has more than 30 million people of Mexican descent.

    How the next president, who is limited to one six-year term, will deal with the violence is especially important in border states like Arizona, where large numbers of Mexicans travel regularly to visit relatives in Mexico and where law-enforcement officials are concerned about drug violence spreading into this country. The U.S. has given Mexico hundreds of millions of dollars to fight the cartels.

    Most of the violence has been concentrated in eight states considered key drug-trafficking areas, among them Chihuahua, Sinaloa and Tamaulipas, but it has spread to other states, including Nuevo Leon, where 49 headless or mutilated bodies were recently found outside the city of Monterrey.

    Two weeks ago, the police chief of San Luis Rio Colorado, Sonora, across the border from San Luis, Ariz., was shot and killed as he drove away from his home in a city that was about to be lauded as one of the state's safest.
    "This is really Mexico's 9/11. It has really stunned Mexicans, and this is a country that is used to a certain level of violence," said Erik Lee, associate director of ASU's North American Center for Transborder Studies.

    The top issue
    The economy, job creation and privatization of the national oil industry are all major issues in the race. But they have been overshadowed by drug violence, said Christopher Wilson, an associate with the Mexico Institute at the Woodrow Wilson Center, a nonpartisan think tank in Washington, D.C.

    "Certainly, there is a lot of concern in border states about the amount of drugs crossing through, and there are family ties that people have to a lot of border communities on the Mexican side of the border, so there is a natural concern for security on that side of the border as well," Wilson said.
    All three candidates have promised to reduce drug violence, but they differ on how they would go about it, Wilson said. The candidates are scheduled to participate in their second debate on June 10.

    Enrique Peña Nieto, the front-runner, doesn't want to continue using the military to battle the cartels but has been unclear about how soon he would make such a change, Wilson said.
    "He sort of stands in the middle on that," Wilson said. "There is not a clear message of getting the military out, but I have heard him make reference to that. But he is not talking about getting the military out too soon."

    Peña Nieto favors beefing up the federal police force to focus on crimes that have a "high social impact," such as murders, kidnappings and extortion, Wilson said. His critics, however, fear Peña Nieto would go back to the old days of the government cutting deals with the cartels instead of taking them on.
    He is a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the PRI in Mexico, which ruled the country for 71 years until 2000, when Vicente Fox of the National Action Party was elected.

    Josefina Vazquez Mota, a member of the ruling National Action Party, or PAN, represents the status quo, although she has tried to distinguish herself from Calderon, Wilson said. She favors a continued military presence until the national police force is equipped to gradually replace it, Wilson said.
    "She says she would like to see the military not be part of the fight but that is not going to be able to happen until there is a strong national police force to relieve them," Wilson said.
    The third candidate, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador of the Party of the Democratic Revolution, or PRD, is focused on getting the military out of the battle with the cartels.

    Instead, he wants to try to rid the government and justice system of corruption. "He sees it as one of the key ways of dealing with the security issue, cleaning up the police force, cleaning up politics," Wilson said.

    Instead of battling the cartels, Lopez Obrador, who narrowly lost to Calderon six years ago, also wants to devote government resources to social programs.
    "He says (the government) needs to tackle this problem by the roots, which are jobs and economic development and opportunities for people, because he sees people as choosing to go into the illicit drug or crime business out of a lack of other opportunities," Wilson said.

    Voter apathy

    There are 524,000 Mexicans in Arizona, which has the fourth-largest Mexican population of any U.S. state. Of those, 482,000 are of voting age, which is 18 in Mexico, according to the Migration Policy Institute, a research center in Washington, D.C.

    Just 2,324 Mexicans in Arizona have registered to vote by mail, according to Mexico's federal election agency. Six years ago, 1,121 Mexicans from Arizona cast mail-in ballots.
    For many Mexicans living in Arizona, drug violence in Mexico is the most important issue in the race. But many see voting as a waste of time, despite efforts by the Mexican government to encourage more Mexicans living outside the country to participate in the election.

    "They are all the same," said Phoenix resident Jose Chacon, 44, echoing a common attitude among Mexicans in the U.S. toward Mexican politicians.
    Chacon said he has no plans to vote. The restaurant cook is from the state of Michoacan, where drug-cartel violence is rampant.

    He said he agrees with Calderon's crackdown on the cartels but sees no end to the bloodshed.
    Alejandro Lenero, 37, of Phoenix, is also concerned about security in Mexico but is equally pessimistic.
    Lenero said he usually supports PAN candidates, but he doesn't have confidence that any of the presidential candidates have a solution to the drug-violence problem in Mexico.
    "My personal opinion is this goes beyond the political parties," he said. "I don't think any of them can solve the problem. The problem is so many people without employment going for the easy money with the drug cartels. First, they have to fix the employment."

    Lenero, a component-design engineer, is originally from Guadalajara, Mexico's second-largest city. He used to travel to Guadalajara once a year with his family to visit relatives, but now, he worries about safety during the 24-hour drive.

    This summer, his family will drive to Hermosillo and then fly to Guadalajara, instead.
    "It's a bit scary driving to our own country," he said. "You hear the news. You can get kidnapped or robbed, or they can assault you."

    U.S. officials weigh in

    State and federal law-enforcement officials in Arizona also have been keeping an eye on the Mexican presidential elections.

    During a congressional-field hearing on controlling international drug trafficking held earlier this month in Phoenix, several top law-enforcement officials said cooperation with Mexican law enforcement increased under the Calderon administration. They hope that cooperation will continue under his successor.
    With the cooperation of Mexican authorities, the U.S. has indicted "hundreds of high-level narcotics traffickers from Mexico," said Doug Coleman, special agent in charge of the Arizona office of the Drug Enforcement Administration.

    "Anything that would change that level of cooperation would be extremely damaging," Coleman said.
    Rep. Ben Quayle, R-Ariz., who sits on the House Homeland Security Committee and hosted the field hearing, said he is concerned that the next president of Mexico will back off the Calderon administration's current battle with the cartels.

    "Will there be a situation where the next president just turns a blind eye to the cartels ceding Mexico to the cartels, or will they be a willing partner with the United States to combat them? I hope it's the latter," Quayle said.

    In March, after meeting with the three leading candidates, Vice President Joe Biden said he believes Mexico will continue to cooperate closely with the United States in battling the cartels.
    At the same time, Biden rejected growing calls from leaders in Mexico and other Latin American countries for the legalization of drugs as a way of reducing drug violence.

    by Daniel Gonzalez - May. 31, 2012 11:19 PM
    The Republic | azcentral.com


  1. beentheredonethatagain
    Mexico election: Drugs war in spotlight in Michoacan

    Mexico's drugs war

    There is an area of western Mexico called Tierra Caliente.
    The name is a reference to the soporific and oppressive heat in the region. But in this part of the world, caliente can also mean "dangerous" as well as "hot".
    Unfortunately, for many residents in the state of Michoacan, "Dangerous Land" is an all-too-accurate description of their towns and villages.

    It was here that the government declared war on the drug cartels.
    In December 2006, barely a week after taking office, President Felipe Calderon ordered 6,500 troops into his home state to restore order after a surge in drug-related killings.
    Many had expected the army's deployment to be temporary.

    Fast-forward almost six years, and the soldiers are still there, fighting drug traffickers on the Pacific coast and in the mountains. In fact, there are more than ever.
    Earlier this year the government sent a further 4,000 troops into the state.
    "The majority of Mexicans have said they don't want the government to surrender to organised crime," says presidential candidate Josefina Vazquez Mota.

    Speaking to the BBC shortly before addressing a rally in Sahuayo, a small town in the north of Michoacan, she readily admits that the military strategy has not been easy, but argues that it was the only choice.
    "There weren't many alternatives. Either we handed over Mexico's families to organised crime or we fought back."

    Synthetic drugs
    Ms Vazquez Mota is Mexico's first female candidate for a major political party, and is running for Mr Calderon's governing National Action Party (PAN).

    But far from being his heir apparent, she is doing everything she can to distance herself from the incumbent. Her campaign slogan is a single word: Different.
    Except when it comes to security.

    Ms Vazquez Mota advocates continuity with Mr Calderon's approach, promising to keep the army on the streets and set up a national police force to replace the hundreds of corrupt and inefficient municipal forces around the country.

    She acknowledges that Mexicans "want less violence, fewer deaths".
    For her, police reform is one of several "new strategies we must employ to reduce violence".
    But reducing violence in the Tierra Caliente will not be easy.

    The candidates

    • Enrique Pena Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which governed for 71 years until 2000 (pictured left)
    • Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), runner-up in the last presidential election (pictured right)
    • Josefina Vazquez Mota of the governing National Action Party (PAN)
    • Gabriel Quadri de la Torre of the New Alliance Party, closely associated with the powerful teachers' union
    Michoacan is the centre of the lucrative methamphetamine trade in Mexico.
    Unlike cocaine, which is produced in the Andes, methamphetamine or "glass" is made in Mexico.
    'Crazy cartels'

    As it fast becomes the drug of choice from campuses to crack-houses across the US, the battle for control of the pharmaceutical product involves some of the most brutal cartels operating in Mexico.
    Among them are the pseudo-religious drug gang, La Familia Michoacana, who have their own bizarre, rambling creed for the "salvation" of their foot-soldiers.

    They are at war with a more powerful splinter group called the Knights Templar.
    The consequences of such internecine conflicts can be seen every week, says a veteran journalist working in the region, as he shows us photos of bodies dumped on roadsides or hung from bridges, their twisted limbs folded at strange angles beneath them.

    "These were just over the past fortnight," he tells us.
    Some of the corpses had been dismembered, others had threatening messages attached to them as warnings to rival gangs.

    Many of the dead had their trousers pulled down in one final humiliation.
    One woman who has personal experience of the drug violence in Michoacan is left-wing politician Minerva Bautista.

    In April 2010, while serving as Michoacan's public security secretary, La Familia Michoacana tried to assassinate her.

    That she survived the attempt on her life is one of the most extraordinary escapes in the country's drug war.
    As she left the annual state fair, her car was blocked on the road by a trailer.
    She and her entourage were then ambushed by 20 armed men, mostly teenagers, she recalls, who fired on her vehicle for 15 minutes with machine guns, sub-automatic weapons and grenades.
    In the attack, two of her bodyguards were killed, as well as two bystanders, and almost 3,000 rounds of ammunition were fired on her car.

    Miraculously, Ms Bautista emerged shaken but unharmed.
    "I don't remember much about the attack, it was unreal, surreal."
    The car's armour-plating, the quick-thinking of her bodyguards and sheer good fortune saved her life, she says.

    "In a twist of fate, the grenades didn't explode. The car was already badly damaged and had the grenades gone off, that would have been the end of us."
    Rather than flee Michoacan, however, she returned to public life a few months later and is now standing for mayor in the state capital, Morelia.

    Asked if she thinks Operation Michoacan has worked, Ms Bautista is emphatic.
    "No, definitively not. We are now talking of thousands of families who have been abandoned, children and young people who have been orphaned and people who have disappeared."
    'Two Mexicos'

    Over sticky soft drinks, I chat with the crime reporter who showed us the photos of the latest violence in the region, most of which were too gruesome to publish.
    He has covered drug cartels for 23 years and has been kidnapped twice himself.

    As we sip our soft drinks in the shade, he points out that we are barely a block away from the site of one of the most brazen acts of violence of the past six years.
    On Mexican Independence Day, 15 September 2008, the main square in Morelia was packed with celebrating crowds.

    As the proceedings reached their climax, in which the state governor shouts the Cry of Independence ,"Viva Mexico!", three times from his balcony, an armed group threw two grenades into the crowd killing eight and injuring dozens.
    Could there have been any clearer statement from the cartels to the authorities, the journalist asks rhetorically.
    "People who don't live here don't understand", he says. "There are two Morelias, two Michoacans, two Mexicos

    By Will Grant BBC News, Michoacan
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