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    Subject: THE BUSH-CHENEY DRUG EMPIRE

    Lead story in the October 24, 2000 issue of "From The Wilderness"]

    by

    Michael C. Ruppert

    (c) Copyright 2000, Michael C. Ruppert and "From The Wilderness"
    Publications, P.O. Box 6061-350, Sherman Oaks, CA 91413, 818-788-8791,
    www.copvcia.com. All Rights Reserved. - Permission to reprint for non-profit
    only is hereby granted as long as proper sourcing appears. For all other
    permissions contact mruppert@copvcia.com.

    --------------------

    FTW October 24, 2000 - The success of Bush Vice Presidential running mate
    Richard Cheney at leading Halliburton, Inc. to a five year $3.8 billion
    "pig-out" on federal contracts and taxpayer-insured loans is only a partial
    indicator of what may happen if the Bush ticket wins in two weeks. A closer
    look at available research, including an August 2, 2000 report by the Center
    for Public Integrity (CPI) at www.public-i.org, suggests that drug money has
    played a role in the successes achieved by Halliburton under Cheney's tenure
    as CEO from 1995 to 2000. This is especially true for Halliburton's most
    famous subsidiary, heavy construction and oil giant, Brown and Root. A
    deeper look into history reveals that Brown and Root's past as well as the
    past of Dick Cheney himself, connect to the international drug trade on more
    than one occasion and in more than one way.

    This June the lead Washington, D.C. attorney for a major Russian oil company
    connected in law enforcement reports to heroin smuggling and also a
    beneficiary of US backed loans to pay for Brown and Root contracts in
    Russia, held a $2.2 million fund raiser to fill the already bulging coffers
    of presidential candidate George W. Bush. This is not the first time that
    Brown and Root has been connected to drugs and the fact is that this "poster
    child" of American industry may also be a key player in Wall Street's
    efforts to maintain domination of the half trillion dollar a year global
    drug trade and its profits. And Dick Cheney, who has also come closer to
    drugs than most suspect, and who is also Halliburton's largest individual
    shareholder ($45.5 million), has a vested interest in seeing to it that
    Brown and Root's successes continue.

    Of all American companies dealing directly with the U.S. military and
    providing cover for CIA operations few firms can match the global presence
    of this giant construction powerhouse which employs 20,000 people in more
    than 100 countries. Through its sister companies or joint ventures, Brown
    and Root can build offshore oil rigs, drill wells, construct and operate
    everything from harbors to pipelines to highways to nuclear reactors. It can
    train and arm security forces and it can now also feed, supply and house
    armies. One key beacon of Brown and Root's overwhelming appeal to agencies
    like the CIA is that, from its own corporate web page, it proudly announces
    that it has received the contract to dismantle aging Russian nuclear tipped
    ICBMs in their silos.

    Furthermore, the relationships between key institutions, players and the
    Bushes themselves suggest that under a George "W" administration the Bush
    family and its allies may well be able, using Brown and Root as the
    operational interface, to control the drug trade all the way from Medellin
    to Moscow.

    Originally formed as a heavy construction company to build dams, Brown and
    Root grew its operations via shrewd political contributions to Senate
    candidate Lyndon Johnson in 1948. Expanding into the building of oil
    platforms, military bases, ports, nuclear facilities, harbors and tunnels,
    Brown and Root virtually underwrote LBJ's political career. It prospered as
    a result, making billions on U.S. Government contracts during the Vietnam
    War. The "Austin Chronicle" in an August 28 Op-ed piece entitled "The
    Candidate From Brown and Root" labels Republican Cheney as the political
    dispenser of Brown and Root's largesse. According to political campaign
    records, during Cheney's five year tenure at Halliburton the company's
    political contributions more than doubled to $1.2 million. Not surprisingly,
    most of that money went to Republican candidates.

    Independent news service "newsmakingnews.com," also describes how in 1998,
    with Cheney as Chairman, Halliburton spent $8.1 billion to purchase oil
    industry equipment and drilling supplier Dresser Industries. This made
    Halliburton a corporation that will have a presence in almost any future oil
    drilling operation anywhere in the world. And it also brought back into the
    family fold the company that had once sent a plane - also in 1948 - to fetch
    the new Yale Graduate George H.W. Bush, to begin his career in the Texas oil
    business. Bush the elder's father, Prescott, served as a Managing Director
    for the firm that once owned Dresser, Brown Bothers Harriman.

    It is clear that everywhere there is oil there is Brown and Root. But
    increasingly, everywhere there is war or insurrection there is Brown and
    Root also. From Bosnia and Kosovo, to Chechnya, to Rwanda, to Burma, to
    Pakistan, to Laos, to Vietnam, to Indonesia, to Iran to Libya to Mexico to
    Colombia, Brown and Root's traditional operations have expanded from heavy
    construction to include the provision of logistical support for the U.S.
    military. Now, instead of U.S. Army quartermasters, the world is likely to
    see Brown and Root warehouses storing and managing everything from uniforms
    to rations to vehicles.

    Dramatic expansion of Brown and Root's operations in Colombia also suggest
    Bush preparations for a war inspired feeding frenzy as a part of "Plan
    Colombia." This is consistent with moves by former Bush Treasury Secretary
    Nicholas Brady to open a joint Colombian-American investment partnership
    called Corfinsura for the financing of major construction projects with the
    Colombian Antioquia Syndicate, headquartered in Medellin. (See FTW June,
    00). And expectations of a ground war in Colombia may explain why, in a 2000
    SEC filing, Brown and Root reported that in addition to owning more than
    800,000 square feet of warehouse space in Colombia, they also lease another
    122,000 square feet. According to the filing of the Brown and Root Energy
    Services Group, the only other places where the company maintains warehouse
    space are in Mexico (525,000 sq. feet), and the U.S. (38,000) square feet.

    According to the web site of Colombia's Foreign Investment Promotion Agency
    Brown and Root had no presence in the country until 1997. What does Brown
    and Root, which, according to the AP has made more than $2 billion
    supporting and supplying U.S. troops, know about Colombia that the U.S.
    public does not? Why the need for almost a million square feet of warehouse
    space that can be transferred from one Brown and Root operation (energy) to
    another (military support) with the stroke of a pen?


    DRUGS

    As described by the Associated Press, during "Iran-Contra" Congressman Dick
    Cheney of the House Intelligence Committee was a rabid supporter of Marine
    Lt. Col. Oliver North. This was in spite of the fact that North had lied to
    Cheney in a private 1986 White House briefing. Oliver North's own diaries
    and subsequent investigations by the CIA Inspector General have irrevocably
    tied him directly to cocaine smuggling during the 1980s and the opening of
    bank accounts for one firm moving four tons of cocaine a month. This,
    however, did not stop Cheney from actively supporting North's 1994
    unsuccessful run for the U.S. Senate from Virginia just a year before he
    took over the reins at Brown and Root's parent company, Dallas based
    Halliburton Inc. in 1995.

    As the Bush Secretary of Defense during Desert Shield/Desert Storm
    (1990-91), Cheney also directed special operations involving Kurdish rebels
    in northern Iran. The Kurds' primary source of income for more than fifty
    years has been heroin smuggling from Afghanistan and Pakistan through Iran,
    Iraq and Turkey. Having had some personal experience with Brown and Root I
    noted carefully when the Los Angeles Times observed that on March 22, 1991
    that a group of gunmen burst into the Ankara, Turkey offices of the joint
    venture, Vinnell, Brown and Root and assassinated retired Air Force Chief
    Master Sergeant John Gandy.

    In March of 1991, tens of thousands of Kurdish refugees, long-time assets of
    the CIA, were being massacred by Sadam Hussein in the wake of the Gulf War.
    Sadam, seeking to destroy any hopes of a successful Kurdish revolt, found it
    easy to kill thousands of the unwanted Kurds who had fled to the Turkish
    border seeking sanctuary. There, Turkish security forces, trained in part by
    the Vinnell, Brown and Root partnership, turned thousands of Kurds back
    into certain death. Today, the Vinnell Corporation (a TRW Company) is, along
    with the firms MPRI and DynCorp (FTW June, 00) one of the three pre-eminent
    private mercenary corporations in the world. It is also the dominant entity
    for the training of security forces throughout the Middle East. Not
    surprisingly the Turkish border regions in question were the primary
    transhipment points for heroin, grown in Afghanistan and Pakistan and
    destined for the markets of Europe.

    A confidential source with intelligence experience in the region
    subsequently told me that the Kurds "got some payback against the folks that
    used to help them move their drugs." He openly acknowledged that Brown and
    Root and Vinnell both routinely provided NOC or non-official cover for CIA
    officers. But I already knew that.

    >>From 1994 to 1999, during US military intervention in the Balkans where,
    according to "The Christian Science Monitor" and "Jane's Intelligence
    Review," the Kosovo Liberation Army controls 70 per cent of the heroin
    entering Western Europe, Cheney's Brown and Root made billions of dollars
    supplying U.S. troops from vast facilities in the region. Brown and Root
    support operations continue in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia to this day.

    Dick Cheney's footprints have come closer to drugs than one might suspect.
    The August Center for Public Integrity report brought them even closer. It
    would be factually correct to say that there is a direct linkage of Brown
    and Root facilities - often in remote and hazardous regions - between every
    drug producing region and every drug consuming region in the world. These
    coincidences, in and of themselves, do not prove complicity in the trade.
    Other facts, however, lead inescapably in that direction.

    A DIRECT DRUG LINK

    The CPI report entitled "Cheney Led Halliburton To Feast at Federal Trough"
    written by veteran journalists Knut Royce and Nathaniel Heller describes
    how, under five years of Cheney's leadership, Halliburton, largely through
    subsidiary Brown and Root, enjoyed $3.8 billion in federal contracts and
    taxpayer insured loans. The loans had been granted by the Export-Import Bank
    (EXIM) and the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC). According to
    Ralph McGehee's "CIA Base (c)" both institutions are heavily infiltrated by
    the CIA and routinely provide NOC to its officers.

    One of those loans to Russian financial/banking conglomerate The Alfa Group
    of Companies contained $292 million to pay for Brown and Root's contract to
    refurbish a Siberian oil field owned by the Russian Tyumen Oil Company. The
    Alfa Group completed its 51% acquisition of Tyumen Oil in what was allegedly
    a rigged bidding process in 1998. An official Russian government report
    claimed that the Alfa Group's top executives, oligarchs Mikhail Fridman and
    Pyotr Aven "allegedly participated in the transit of drugs from Southeast
    Asia through Russia and into Europe."

    These same executives, Fridman and Aven, who reportedly smuggled the heroin
    in connection with Russia's Solntsevo mob family were the same ones who
    applied for the EXIM loans that Halliburton's lobbying later safely secured.
    As a result Brown and Root's work in Alfa Tyumen oil fields could continue -
    and expand.

    After describing how organized criminal interests in the Alfa Group had
    allegedly stolen the oil field by fraud, the CPI story, using official
    reports from the FSB (the Russian equivalent of the FBI), oil companies
    such as BP-Amoco, former CIA and KGB officers and press accounts then
    established a solid link to Alfa Tyumen and the transportation of heroin.

    In 1995 sacks of heroin disguised as sugar were stolen from a rail container
    leased by Alfa Echo and sold in the Siberian town of Khabarovsk. A problem
    arose when many residents of the town became "intoxicated" or "poisoned."
    The CPI story also stated, "The FSB report said that within days of the
    incident, Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) agents conducted raids of Alfa
    Eko buildings and found 'drugs and other compromising documentation.'

    "Both reports claim that Alfa Bank has laundered drug funds from Russian and
    Colombian drug cartels.

    "The FSB document claims that at the end of 1993, a top Alfa official met
    with Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela, the now imprisoned financial mastermind of
    Colombia's notorious Cali cartel, 'to conclude an agreement about the
    transfer of money into the Alfa Bank from offshore zones such as the
    Bahamas, Gibraltar and others. The plan was to insert it back into the
    Russian economy through the purchase of stock in Russian companies.

    "... He [the former KGB agent] reported that there was evidence 'regarding
    [Alfa Bank's] involvement with the money laundering of... Latin American
    drug cartels."

    It then becomes harder for Cheney and Halliburton to assert mere coincidence
    in all of this as CPI reported that Tyumen's lead Washington attorney James
    C, Langdon, Jr. at the firm of Aikin Gump "helped coordinate a $2.2 million
    fund raiser for Bush this June. He then agreed to help recruit 100 lawyers
    and lobbyists in the capital to raise $25,000 each for W's campaign."

    The heroin mentioned in the CPI story, originated in Laos where longtime
    Bush allies and covert warriors Richard Armitage and retired CIA ADDO
    (Associate Deputy Director of Operations) Ted Shackley have been repeatedly
    linked to the drug trade. It then made its way across Southeast Asia to
    Vietnam, probably the port of Haiphong. Then the heroin sailed to Russia's
    Pacific port of Valdivostok from whence it subsequently bounced across
    Siberia by rail and thence by truck or rail to Europe, passing through the
    hands of Russian Mafia leaders in Chechnya and Azerbaijan. Chechnya and
    Azerbaijan are hotbeds of both armed conflict and oil exploration and Brown
    and Root has operations all along this route.

    This long, expensive and tortured path was hastily established, as described
    by FTW in previous issues, after President George Bush's personal envoy
    Richard Armitage, holding the rank of Ambassador, had traveled to the former
    Soviet Union to assist it with its "economic development" in 1989. The
    obstacle then to a more direct, profitable and efficient route from
    Afghanistan and Pakistan through Turkey into Europe was a cohesive
    Yugoslavian/Serbian government controlling the Balkans and continuing
    instability in the Golden Crescent of Pakistan/Afghanistan. Also, there was
    no other way, using heroin from the Golden Triangle (Burma, Laos and
    Thailand), to deal with China and India but to go around them.

    It is perhaps not by coincidence again that Cheney and Armitage share
    membership in the prestigious Aspen Institute, an exclusive bi-partisan
    research think tank, and also in the U.S. Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.
    Just last November, in what may be a portent of things to come, Armitage,
    played the role of Secretary of Defense in an practical exercise at the
    Council on Foreign Relations where he and Cheney are also both members.
    Speculation that the scandal plagued Armitage, who resigned under a cloud as
    Assistant Secretary of Defense in the Reagan Administration, is W's first
    choice for Secretary of Defense next year is widespread.

    The Clinton Administration took care of all that wasted travel for heroin
    with the 1998 destruction of Serbia and Kosovo and the installation of the
    KLA as a regional power. That opened a direct line from Afghanistan to
    Western Europe and Brown and Root was right in the middle of that too. The
    Clinton skill at streamlining drug operations was described in detail in
    the May issue of FTW in a story entitled "The Democratic Party's
    Presidential Drug Money Pipeline." That article has since been reprinted in
    three countries. The essence of the drug economic lesson was that by growing
    opium in Colombia and by smuggling both cocaine and heroin from Colombia to
    New York City through the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico (a virtual
    straight line), traditional smuggling routes could be shortened or even
    eliminated. This reduced both risk and cost, increased profits and
    eliminated competition.

    FTW suspects the hand of Medellin co-founder Carlos Lehder in this process
    and it is interesting to note that Lehder, released from prison under
    Clinton in 1995, is now active in both the Bahamas and South America. Lehder
    was known during the eighties as "The genius of transportation." I can well
    imagine a Dick Cheney, having witnessed the complete restructuring of the
    global drug trade in the last eight years, going to George W and saying,
    "Look, I know how we can make it even better." One thing is for certain. As
    quoted in the CPI article, one Halliburton Vice President noted that if the
    Bush-Cheney ticket was elected, "the company's government contracts would
    obviously go through the roof."

    THE DARK PAST

    In July of 1977 this writer, then a Los Angeles Police officer struggled to
    make sense of a world gone haywire. In a last ditch effort to salvage a
    relationship with my fiancée, Nordica Theodora D'Orsay (Teddy), a CIA
    contract agent, I had traveled to find her in New Orleans. On a hastily
    arranged vacation, secured with the blessing of my Commanding Officer,
    Captain Jesse Brewer of LAPD, I had gone on my own, unofficially, to avoid
    the scrutiny of LAPD's Organized Crime Intelligence Division (OCID).

    Starting in the late spring of 1976 Teddy had wanted me to join her
    operations from within the ranks of LAPD. I had refused to get involved with
    drugs in any way and everything she mentioned seemed to involve either
    heroin or cocaine along with guns that she was always moving out of the
    country. The Director of the CIA then was George Herbert Walker Bush.

    Although officially on staff at the LAPD Academy at the time, I had been
    unofficially loaned to OCID since January when Teddy, announcing the start
    of a new operation planned in the fall of 1976 had suddenly disappeared.
    She left many people, including me, baffled and twisting in the breeze. The
    OCID detectives had been pressuring me hard for information about her and
    what I knew of her activities. It was information I could not give them.
    Hoping against hope that I would find some way to understand her involvement
    with CIA, LAPD, the royal family of Iran, the Mafia and drugs I set out
    alone into eight days of Dantean revelations that have determined the
    course of my life from that day to this.

    Arriving in New Orleans in early July, 1977 I found her living in an
    apartment across the river in Gretna. Equipped with scrambler phones, night
    vision devices and working from sealed communiqués delivered by naval and
    air force personnel from nearby Belle Chasse Naval Air Station, Teddy was
    involved in something truly ugly. She was arranging for large quantities of
    weapons to be loaded onto ships leaving for Iran. At the same time she was
    working with Mafia associates of New Orleans Mafia boss Carlos Marcello to
    coordinate the movement of service boats that were bringing large quantities
    of heroin into the city. The boats arrived at Marcello controlled docks,
    unmolested by even the New Orleans police she introduced me to, along with
    divers, military men, former Green Berets and CIA personnel.

    The service boats were retrieving the heroin from oil rigs in the Gulf of
    Mexico, oil rigs in international waters, oil rigs built and serviced by
    Brown and Root. The guns that Teddy monitored, apparently Vietnam era
    surplus AK 47s and M16s, were being loaded onto ships also owned or leased
    by Brown and Root. And more than once during the eight days I spent in New
    Orleans I met and ate at restaurants with Brown and Root employees who were
    boarding those ships and leaving for Iran within days. Once, while leaving a
    bar and apparently having asked the wrong question, I was shot at in an
    attempt to scare me off.

    Disgusted and heart broken at witnessing my fiancée and my government
    smuggling drugs, I ended the relationship. Returning home to LA I made a
    clean breast and reported all the activity I had seen, including the
    connections to Brown and Root, to LAPD intelligence officers. They promptly
    told me that I was crazy. Forced out of LAPD under threat of death at the
    end of 1978, I made complaints to LAPD's Internal Affairs Division and to
    the LA office of the FBI under the command of FBI SAC Ted Gunderson. I and
    my attorney wrote to the politicians, the Department of Justice, the CIA and
    contacted the L.A. Times. The FBI and the LAPD said that I was crazy.

    According to a 1981 two-part news story in the "Los Angeles Herald Examiner"
    it was revealed that The FBI had taken Teddy into custody and then released
    her before classifying their investigation without further action. Former
    New Orleans Crime Commissioner Aaron Cohen told reporter Randall Sullivan
    that he found my description of events perfectly plausible after his thirty
    years of studying Louisiana's organized crime operations.

    To this day a CIA report prepared as a result of my complaint remains
    classified and exempt from release pursuant to Executive Order of the
    President in the interests of national security and because it would reveal
    the identities of CIA agents.

    On October 26, 1981, in the basement of the West Wing of the White House, I
    reported on what I had seen in New Orleans to my friend and UCLA classmate
    Craig Fuller. Craig Fuller went on to become Chief of Staff to Vice
    President Bush from 1981 to 1985.

    In 1982, then UCLA political science professor Paul Jabber, filled in many
    of the pieces in my quest to understand what I had seen in New Orleans. He
    was qualified to do so because he had served as a CIA and State Department
    consultant to the Carter administration. Paul explained that, after a 1975
    treaty between the Shah of Iran and Sadam Hussein the Shah had cut off all
    overt military support for Kurdish rebels fighting Sadam from the north of
    Iraq. In exchange the Shah had gained access to the Shat al-Arab waterway so
    that he could multiply his oil exports and income. Not wanting to lose a
    long-term valuable asset in the Kurds, the CIA had then used Brown and Root,
    which operated in both countries and maintained port facilities in the
    Persian Gulf and near Shat al-Arab to rearm the Kurds. The whole operation
    had been financed with heroin. Paul was matter-of-fact about it.

    In 1983 Paul Jabber left UCLA to become a Vice President of Banker's Trust
    and Chairman of the Middle East Department of the Council on Foreign
    Relations.

    ----------

    If one is courageous enough to seek an "operating system" that theoretically
    explains what FTW has just described for you, one need look no further than
    a fabulous two-part article in "Le Monde Diplomatique" in April of this
    year. The brilliant stories, focusing heavily on drug capital are titled
    "Crime, The World's Biggest Free Enterprise." The brilliant and penetrating
    words of authors Christian de Brie and Jean de Maillard do a better job of
    explaining the actual world economic and political situation than anything
    that I have ever read.

    De Brie writes, "By allowing capital to flow unchecked from one end of the
    world to the other, globalization and abandon of sovereignty have together
    fostered the explosive growth of an outlaw financial market...

    "It is a coherent system closely linked to the expansion of modern
    capitalism and based on an association of three partners: governments,
    transnational corporations and mafias. Business is business: financial crime
    is first and foremost a market, thriving and structured, ruled by supply and
    demand.

    "Big business complicity and political laisser faire is the only way that
    large-scale organized crime can launder and recycle the fabulous proceeds of
    its activities. And the transnationals need the support of governments and
    the neutrality of regulatory authorities in order to consolidate their
    positions, increase their profits, withstand and crush the competition, pull
    off the "deal of the century" and finance their illicit operations.
    Politicians are directly involved and their ability to intervene depends on
    the backing and the funding that keep them in power. This collusion of
    interests is an essential part of the world economy, the oil that keeps the
    wheels of capitalism turning."

    After confronting CIA Director John Deutch on world television on November
    15, 1996 I was interviewed by the staffs of both the Senate and House
    Intelligence Committees. I prepared written testimony for Senate
    Intelligence which I submitted although I was never called to testify. In
    every one of those interviews and in my written testimony and in every
    lecture since that time I have told the story of Brown and Root. I will tell
    it again at the USC School of International Relations on December the 8th,
    2000 - regardless of who wins the election.


    Michael C. Ruppert
    www.copvcia.com


    Sources:

    - The Center for Public Integrity, "Cheney Led Halliburton to Feast at
    Federal Trough", Knut Royce & Nathaniel Heller,
    color=#0000ffwww.public-i.org/story_01_080200.htm
    - "Le Monde - Diplomatique", April 2000.
    - The U.S. Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce
    - The Aspen Institute, www.aspeninst.org
    - "The Austin Chronicle", August 28, 2000
    - The Associated Press, "Study: US Could Save Cost in Balkans" - 10/10/00
    - The Associated Press, "Cheney, North Relationship Probed" - 8/11/00
    - "The New York Times" Index
    - The Council on Foreign Relations
    - "The Unauthorized Biography of George Bush" - Webster Tarpley & Anton
    Chaitkin
    - "CIA Base" (c) 1992, Ralph McGehee
    - CIA Inspector General Report of Investigation: Allegations of Connections
    Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States.
    Volume II: The Contra Story - Report 96-0143-IG.
    - www.newsmakingnews.com , 27 August 2000, "The Dick Cheney Data Dump"
    - Securities and Exchange Commission - "Edgar" Data base.
    - Halliburton/Brown and Root - www.Halliburton.com/brs
    - The Vinnell Corporation - www.Vinnell.com
    - "The New York Press," 8/1/00
    - "The Los Angeles Times," March 23, 1991.

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